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Declaration for Economic Justice and Women's Empowerment
 
Five years after Beijing, fifteen years after Nairobi and twenty-five years after Mexico City, words are not enough. While women have played a key role in urging governments to implement the Beijing Platform for Action and made significant strides through their own efforts, for the vast majority of women the situation has gotten worse.
 
We are women from diverse groups and communities who use an integrated feminist analysis to assess progress towards the achievement of the goals of the Platform for Action. Women's values confirm compassion, caring, cooperation, economic justice and diversities among women and respect for human rights. These human rights are universal and indivisible -- civil and political rights cannot be realised without the protection of social, economic and cultural rights. We embrace solidarity, equity, equality, democracy and participation. We affirm public responsibility, transparency, justice and accountability.
 
Many of us have worked for years -- despite resistance from member states -- to imbue major UN conferences with a critique of the multiple systems that oppress women. Encouraged by the successful challenge to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in Seattle and by the Jubilee 2000 campaign to cancel debt, we turn now to the review of the Beijing Platform for Action. Over the last five years a nexus of neo-liberal macro-economic policies has deeply eroded the socio-economic condition of many of the world’s women. Given the far-reaching impact of these policies and the attendant crises – financial, military, social -- which they have spawned, we are dismayed by the weakness of the current Outcome Document regarding economic rights. Proposed actions do not address the clear evidence of devastation in women's lives as described in the document itself. Follow-up has largely disregarded the policy framework within which implementation of the Platform must occur.
 
This policy framework is shaped by a global economic system controlled by the International Financial Institutions (including regional banks, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank), the World Trade Organisation (WTO), multinational corporations, certain industrialised governments, and elites in the north and the south. This global system threatens the interests of the vast majority of the world’s people, particularly women, especially rural women, women living in poverty and indigenous peoples. This structure promotes greed, competitiveness, concentration of power, consumerism, individualism, glorification of markets, and commodification of people, women's bodies and all aspects of life. 
 
The current economic policies assume that expanding "free" markets will solve all human problems. But ample evidence demonstrates that this “market fundamentalism” can be detrimental to people's health and longevity. Social relations cannot be reduced to those of producer and consumer. Moreover, economic markets superimposed on vast power differentials cannot operate in an equitable or just way. We must ask: what kinds of markets are we talking about, who controls them, whom do they serve and under what conditions do they operate?
 
The neo-liberal economic model has led to an increase in poverty and to new forms of poverty, affecting women disproportionately. Neo-liberalism has created a growing disparity between rich and poor both within and between countries. These inequities, coupled with increasing violence against women, loss of rights, geographic and economic dislocation, and the erosion of democracy have become undeniable even to proponents of neo-liberal policies. We are dismayed by the deterioration of distributive justice, the erosion of public services (especially health and education), the appropriation and privatisation of public goods, and the shifting of responsibility for public services to the private sector, NGOs and families -- especially women. We are alarmed at the increasing numbers of children forced to work, to live on the street, to engage in criminal activities and to serve as soldiers. We are deeply concerned about the increasing marginalisation and insecurity of work, trafficking in women and children, dislocation of families due to migration, undermining of families and communities of support, destruction of local communities, misappropriation of indigenous cultures and continued marginalisation and neocolonisation of indigenous peoples, imposition of commercial culture, and the ongoing destruction of the environment. We are appalled at increasing militarisation and nuclearisation, at public spending for these programs, and at the lucrative trade in narcotics and arms that has distorted national economies and many communities. We are alarmed by the intensification of punitive systems and mechanisms of social control. Finally, we are especially outraged at increasing racism, xenophobia, and homophobia which jeopardise the lives of all people.
    
Trade liberalisation has created market conditions which even governments find hard to regulate. In recent years, the WTO has emerged as one of the most powerful international economic agencies, and has been used by transnational corporations and powerful governments to impose new rules and disciplines on peoples and nations. These rules pry open markets and stunt local independent development capabilities, especially in the poorest countries. In addition, many of these rules generate human rights violations, especially social and economic human rights of women.
 
Government actions to address women’s poverty are inadequate. Governmental and inter-governmental programs to provide women access to markets do not guarantee women’s livelihood because the market structure is inherently inequitable. Micro enterprise, microcredit and poverty alleviation schemes are not panaceas for economic injustice. The value of these strategies is proportional to their capacity to address the causes of poverty and to rectify power imbalances, rather than perpetuate poverty and women's secondary economic status.
 
The current negotiating text fails to systematically address the macro-economic policy framework which privileges economic growth at the expense of people’s well-being and human rights. It ignores the call for debt cancellation and accepts debt relief schemes that are too limited and conditional. The text disregards underlying structural issues such as unequal terms of trade. It ignores research demonstrating negative consequences of structural adjustment policies and deregulation on women, their families and communities. By failing to address the underlying causes of poverty, governments gathered for the Beijing Plus 5 Review would continue to violate women's economic and social rights, and contribute to worsening conditions of poverty around the globe.  
 


WOMEN'S PROPOSALS FOR AN ENABLING ENVIRONMENT
 
The current neo-liberal model does not provide an enabling environment for gender equity and women's equality. Women’s empowerment through the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action and the platforms for action of all the global conferences of the 1990s is not possible within the current macro-economic environment. An enabling environment would have to favor political, economic and social policies, institutions and values that promote human rights and social justice for all peoples.
 
This would require:
 
RIGHTS AND PARTICIPATORY GOVERNANCE:
 
1)  the indivisibility of economic, social (including health, sexual and reproductive rights), cultural, civil and political rights.
 
2) the democratisation, transparency and accountability of decision-making processes at all levels and in all institutions, including not only national and local states, but also corporations, religious organisations, NGOs, international economic and financial institutions (including World Bank, IMF and WTO) and other international organisations.
 
3) the inclusion of the diversity of women's perspectives in processes of policy formulation and decision-making at all levels.
 
4) compliance by all governments and multi-lateral institutions with international instruments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), ILO conventions and environmental treaties. Given the power of the International Financial Institutions, transnational corporations, and the World Trade Organisation in relation to some states, the UN system should take special measures to hold them accountable to international treaties and principles of justice and equality, and the principles affirmed by nations in the World Conferences of the 1990s.
 
5) the affirmation of states' accountability to people within their borders, and the establishment of international mechanisms of accountability by transnational corporations and international economic and financial institutions.
 
6) new just and equitable approaches to sharing of power and decision-making with adequate resource allocation for the effective operation of monitoring mechanisms. Such mechanisms range from human rights treaty bodies to local women's groups which are monitoring the implementation of public policies and the operations of the corporate sector.
 
7) popular, community-based and other civil society groups - particularly poor people's organisations - which are genuinely representative of and accountable to the communities which they are from. They must have effective access to participation in decision-making. 
 

ECONOMICS
 
8) macro-economic policies which are consistent with social and sustainable development and distributive justice. This means macro-policies designed to defend the rights of women and poor people and protect the environment, rather than expand growth, trade and corporate profits exclusively.
 
9) reforming the public sector, not through privatisation, but by making the public sector more effective, just and responsive to the needs of people.
 
10) redefining economic efficiency to include measuring and valuing women's unpaid as well as paid work. Economic efficiency needs to be reoriented towards the effective realisation of human development and human rights rather than growth, trade and corporate profits.
 
11) redefining cost effectiveness criteria to take into account environmental degradation and social and human costs (such as increased violence and deteriorating health).
 
12) regulating markets in the public interest with a view to reducing inequality, preventing instability, expanding employment, increasing job security and establishing a socially acceptable minimum wage.
 
13) generating new financial resources through new forms of taxation to promote sustainable social and economic development, such as taxing resource use, production of toxic products, international financial speculative profit and international financial transactions (Tobin Tax).
 
14) implementing debt cancellation rather than debt relief, creating alternatives that focus on the underlying imbalances in terms of trade, and new resource flows to the global south.  
 

MEASURING PROGRESS
 
15) developing national and international data disaggregated by gender, race, ethnicity, language, sexual orientation, disability, age, geographic location (including rural/urban), citizenship, indigenous and socio-economic status.
 
16) developing specific targets and indicators for compliance by governments, multilateral institutions and the UN systems with commitments made in the UN conferences of the 1990s.   
 
17) convening a Fifth World Conference on Women in the year  2005 to evaluate progress in the implementation of the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies and the Beijing Platform for Action and to formulate additional strategies.
 
Economic and gender justice are inseparable for a model of equitable, sustainable and participatory development with a focus on rights and justice.
 
We echo the World Council of Churches Ecumenical Team 21 February 2000 document: "We call for a change of heart which recognises that real value cannot be expressed in monetary terms and that life - and that which is essential to sustain it - cannot be commodified."
 
Economic Justice Caucus -- Beijing+5 PrepCom                                                                         
March 2000
 
Women’s International Coalition for Economic Justice (WICEJ)
Mia Adjali (Global Ministries, United Methodist Church), in personal capacity
AFEAS (Association feminine d'education et d'action sociale)
Alternative-Women in Development (US)
Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA)
Center for Women's Global Leadership (US)
Ecumenical Women 2000 Plus (international)
The International Grail
Grupo Feminino Pro Mejoramiento de la Familia (GRUFEPROMEFAM) (Guatemala)
Justice, Peace and Creation Team, World Council of Churches
MADRE (US)
National Action Committee on the Status of Women (Canada)
RIFFI (National Federation of International Immigrant Women Associations)
Universidad de las Regiones Autónomas de la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua, (URACCAN)
Vancouver Committee for Domestic Workers and Caregivers Rights (Canada)
Women's Institute for Leadership Development for Human Rights (WILD) (US)
K.U.L.U.-Women and Development (Kvindernes U-landsudvalg, DK)
 
 
 
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